{"id":2430,"date":"2024-02-13T19:11:24","date_gmt":"2024-02-13T19:11:24","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/?p=2430"},"modified":"2024-11-17T19:13:33","modified_gmt":"2024-11-17T19:13:33","slug":"rikthimi-pas-ne-shekuj-autokracite-sot-nje-fakt-global","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/sq\/rikthimi-pas-ne-shekuj-autokracite-sot-nje-fakt-global\/","title":{"rendered":"Rikthimi pas n\u00eb shekuj: Autokracit\u00eb, sot nj\u00eb fakt global"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nga Pranvera Shehaj Anetare e Departamentit BrainGain<\/strong><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr p\u00ebrkufizim, \u2018autokracia\u2019 si koncept, i referohet nj\u00eb qeverie n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn pushteti \u00ebsht\u00eb i p\u00ebrq\u00ebndruar n\u00eb nj\u00eb person t\u00eb vet\u00ebm. Ky i fundit, njihet si autokrat, nj\u00eb term q\u00eb rrjedh nga greqishtja e lasht\u00eb, i.e., \u2018auto\u2019 – q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb \u2018vet\u00eb\u2019, dhe \u2018kratos\u2019 – q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb \u2018fuqi\u2019. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb udh\u00ebheqja e vendeve t\u00eb tyre me autoritet absolut \u00ebsht\u00eb dogma dhe vet\u00eb feja e autokrat\u00ebve, k\u00ebt\u00eb e realizojn\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb miri duke qen\u00eb t\u00eb lir\u00eb nga kontrollet dhe balancat t\u00eb cilat veprojn\u00eb mbi ligjin. K\u00ebtyre mekanizmave, i shtohet fuqia e autokrat\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb reformuar ligjin sipas d\u00ebshir\u00ebs. Prej vitit 2022, instituti \u201cVarieties of Democracy\u201d (V-Dem) klasifikoi af\u00ebrsisht 88 nga vendet e bot\u00ebs si autokraci. K\u00ebto 88 vende korrespondonin me 70% t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb s\u00eb bot\u00ebs. Megjithat\u00eb, autokracit\u00eb, sipas klasifikimit t\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs organizat\u00eb, nuk ishin uniforme n\u00eb shkall\u00eb dhe karakteristika. V-Dem i ndan ato n\u00eb dy grupe: autokraci t\u00eb mbyllura dhe autokraci elektorale. Nj\u00eb sistem i p\u00ebrkugizuar si autokraci e mbyllur \u00ebsht\u00eb ai n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn as shefi ekzekutiv (autokrati) dhe as legjislatura nuk zgjidhen p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb procesi zgjedhor apo n\u00eb \u00e7far\u00ebdolloj forme alternative t\u00eb shprehjes s\u00eb vullnetit qytetar, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb qytetari nuk ka mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb shprehet, t\u00eb kontribuoj\u00eb e aq m\u00eb pak t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb ai zgjedhjen e udh\u00ebheqjes s\u00eb vendit. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, nj\u00eb autokraci zgjedhore realizon zgjedhje publike, ajo e p\u00ebrqafon sistemin shum\u00ebpartiak, \u00e7ka n\u00ebnkupton se teorikisht autokracit\u00eb zgjedhore i japin qytetar\u00ebve nj\u00eb rol n\u00eb zgjedhjen e udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve t\u00eb tyre qeveritar\u00eb. E megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebrpos sfondit teorik dhe funksionit q\u00eb fasada ka, k\u00ebtyre zgjedhjeve zakonisht u mungojn\u00eb shum\u00eb nga masat mbrojt\u00ebse, karakteristikat dhe mekanizmat garantues p\u00ebr t`i konsideruar ato t\u00eb drejta dhe t\u00eb lira. Na kujton di\u00e7ka? Shum\u00eb\u00e7ka, por p\u00ebrpara se ta konkretizojm\u00eb ligj\u00ebrimin aty ku interesi yn\u00eb q\u00ebndron, ia vlen t\u00eb p\u00ebrmendet gjithashtu se jo pa arsye autokracit\u00eb, qoft\u00eb n\u00eb shkencat politike, e qoft\u00eb n\u00eb diskutimin e analizave politiko-sociale, jan\u00eb konsideruar si forma jo-optimale qeverisjeje. Arsyet dhe motivet p\u00ebrmbledhtazi gjenden tek pamja q\u00eb ofron vet\u00eb autokracia dhe tiparet q\u00eb karakterizojn\u00eb at\u00eb, pa l\u00ebn\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebr kund\u00ebrshti: Autokrati merr t\u00eb gjitha vendimet, pavar\u00ebsisht nga pasojat, rregullat ose politikat n\u00eb tryez\u00eb a n\u00eb letra;lirit\u00eb vetjake jan\u00eb t\u00eb kufizuara; qeveria p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihet thell\u00ebsisht n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e \u00e7do aspekti t\u00eb jet\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrditshme, nga kontrolli i medias deri te drejtimi i shum\u00eb prej bizneseve dhe industrive kryesore t\u00eb vendit; d\u00ebshirat dhe vendimet e autokratit, t\u00eb cilat mund t\u00eb paraqiten si nevoja t\u00eb shtetit, peshojn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se t\u00eb drejtat njer\u00ebzore t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb vendit; shkeljet e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut d\u00ebnohen rrall\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb autokraci, pasi autoritetet qeveritare t\u00eb cilave do t’u raportohen shkelje t\u00eb tilla jan\u00eb zakonisht ose burimi i shkeljeve ose aleat\u00ebt e shkel\u00ebsve; pik\u00ebn ia vendos frika e qytetar\u00ebve nga hakmarrja dhe nd\u00ebshkimi. S\u00ebrish, p\u00ebrkufizimi i autokracis\u00eb, na pasqyron shum\u00eb\u00e7ka n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb ton\u00eb, kinse kandidate p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim aty ku autokracia nuk ka as hije.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb Qershor 2022, kur nj\u00eb studim i Berlin Social Science Center publikon nj\u00eb artikull i cili d\u00ebshmon edhe vizualisht se si cil\u00ebsia e institucioneve demokratike ka r\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse prej vitit 1900. Studiuesit i referohen k\u00ebtij femonemi si: \u201cepisode t\u00eb autokratizimit\u201d, dhe identifikojn\u00eb \u200btre val\u00eb t\u00eb autokratizimit: e para rreth Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, e dyta gjat\u00eb viteve 1960 -1970, si dhe vala e tret\u00eb e nisur rreth fundit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb. V-Dem n\u00eb raportin mbi demokracit\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb 2022 d\u00ebshmon se demokracia globale ka r\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb nivelet e vitit 1986, ku 72% e popullsis\u00eb bot\u00ebrore (5.7 bilion njer\u00ebz) jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb autokraci (krahasuar me 46% n\u00eb 2012) dhe 43% e popullsis\u00eb bot\u00ebrore jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb vende q\u00eb po shkojn\u00eb drejt autokracis\u00eb (krahasuar me 5% n\u00eb 2012). 44% e popullsis\u00eb bot\u00ebrore jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb vende me autokraci zgjedhore, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb, Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb, nj\u00eb vend n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn juglindore, i radhitur n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb klasifikim me Rusin\u00eb, Indin\u00eb, Pakistanin, Filipinet, Nigerin\u00eb, etj. P\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dy dekada, globi fle dhe zgjohet m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb vende me autokraci t\u00eb mbyllur se sa demokraci liberale. Panorama globale b\u00ebhet edhe m\u00eb e frikshme kur flitet p\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera statistika si p\u00ebr shembull: liria e shprehjes e p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsuar\u00a0 n\u00eb 35 vende n\u00eb 2022 (krahasur me 7 n\u00eb 2012); sundimi i ligjit dhe cil\u00ebsia e zgjedhjeve u ballafaquan me r\u00ebnie n\u00eb shum\u00eb vende; censura e qeveris\u00eb ndaj mediave u p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsua n\u00eb 47 vende; represioni i qeveris\u00eb ndaj organizatave t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile u p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsua n\u00eb 37 vende bashk\u00eb me cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e zgjedhjeve, e cila degradoi n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse n\u00eb 30 vende; s\u00eb fundmi, qeverit\u00eb n\u00eb 40 shtete rrit\u00ebn kontrollin e tyre mbi civil\u00ebt ashtu sikurse mbi format e organizimit t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile. P\u00ebrpos tronditjes statistikore, si\u00e7 thot\u00eb dhe profesori i shkencave politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Gothenburg, Prof. Lindberg, si interpretues i k\u00ebtij raporti, ka ende shpres\u00eb, dhe shpresa vjen nga vende si Bolivia, Moldavia, Sllovenia, apo Maqedonia e Veriut t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe sistemin e tyre politik duke iu afruar bindsh\u00ebm standardeve demokratike.<\/p>\n

\n
Arsyet p\u00ebrse ky dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar ka krijuar nj\u00eb terren fertil p\u00ebr rizgjimin, konsolidimin e m\u00eb pas zhvillimin e autokracive n\u00eb mbar\u00eb bot\u00ebn jan\u00eb sa subjekt i analizave t\u00eb thella t\u00eb shkencave politike, aq edhe leht\u00ebsisht t\u00eb pasqyruara n\u00eb ngjarje q\u00eb kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb zhurm\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb globale. N\u00eb pak fjal\u00eb ato do t\u00eb p\u00ebrmblidheshin n\u00eb paradigm\u00ebn \u201ccommand and control\u201d (komando dhe kontrollo) e cila q\u00ebndron n\u00eb zem\u00ebr t\u00eb kushtetutave t\u00eb shum\u00eb vendeve, dhe p\u00ebrfshin klauzola emergjente q\u00eb lejojn\u00eb qeverit\u00eb t\u00eb dalin jasht\u00eb kuadrit t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm kushtetues p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb veprime urgjente. Ky dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar i karakterizuar nga pandemi globale, kriza ekonomike dhe konflikte t\u00eb armatosura ka krijuar djepin e p\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr aplikimin e k\u00ebsaj paradigme. Fakti e k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb thuhet se masa t\u00eb tilla kan\u00eb \u00e7uar n\u00eb abuzim me pushtetin dhe p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsim t\u00eb parimeve demokratike n\u00eb terma afatgjat\u00eb.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n

Studime t\u00eb shumta dalin n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundime se autokracia moderne e shekullit XXI, ndryshe nga ajo totalitariste e tipit Hitler, Stalin, Pinochet apo Galtieri, i \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatur nj\u00eb bote globaliste, ku kufijt\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb hapur mes shteteve, media \u00ebsht\u00eb e nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarizuar dhe ekonomit\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb bazuara n\u00eb njohuri, i.e., knowledge-based. Autokrat\u00ebt modern\u00eb ia kan\u00eb dal\u00eb t\u00eb heqin barrierat e kontrollit mbi pushtetin e tyre p\u00ebrmes represionit t\u00eb moderuar n\u00ebn kufijt\u00eb e t\u00eb qenurit demokratik\u00eb. Kur autokrat\u00ebt modern\u00eb ushtrojn\u00eb represion (p.sh. organizimin e luftrave dhe revoltave etnike, forc\u00ebn brutale policore, censurimin e medias, persekutimin e kund\u00ebrshtarit politik, etj.) ata kamuflojn\u00eb q\u00ebllimin final. P\u00ebr shembull, p\u00ebrndjekja, nd\u00ebshkimi dhe izolimi i kund\u00ebrshtarit politik b\u00ebhet jo p\u00ebr motive politike, por p\u00ebr akuza t\u00eb tipit evazion fiskal apo vjedhje. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr imitojn\u00eb shpesh, por jo domosdoshm\u00ebrisht retorik\u00ebn e lider\u00ebve demokrat\u00eb, ashtu sikurse maskojn\u00eb shkeljet flagrante t\u00eb ligjit dhe shform\u00ebsimin e barazpesh\u00ebs s\u00eb pushteteve p\u00ebrmes propagand\u00ebs mbi arritje ekonomike afatshkurtra apo risi n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbime publike. Pyetja m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme do t\u00eb ishte: si ia dalin autokrat\u00ebt modern\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb autokraci pa u dashur t\u00eb marrin mbi supe m\u00ebkate masive e t\u00eb pashlyeshme si ato t\u00eb paraardh\u00ebsve t\u00eb tyre ideologjik\u00eb? Studime t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme (p.sh. Guriev dhe Treisman, 2020) sugjerojn\u00eb se metoda nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht m\u00eb klasike e m\u00eb t\u00eb frytshme p\u00ebr ngritjen, konsolidimin dhe jet\u00ebgjat\u00ebsin\u00eb e autokracive moderne, m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti atyre elektorale, mb\u00ebshtetet n\u00eb kontrollin e informacionit. Autokrat\u00ebt modern\u00eb nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb shmangin t\u2019i izolojn\u00eb vendet e tyre apo t\u00eb terrorizojn\u00eb literalisht dhe masivisht popullin, mb\u00ebshteten vet\u00ebm dhe thell\u00ebsisht n\u00eb manipulimin e opinionit publik. P\u00ebrmes medias t\u00eb censuruar, t\u00eb korruptuar apo t\u00eb friguar, autokrat\u00ebt bindin popullin se ata jan\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm kompetent\u00eb e dashamir\u00ebs, por t\u00eb vetmit udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs t\u00eb vlefsh\u00ebm. Legjitimiteti i autokrat\u00ebve modern\u00eb q\u00ebndron jo tek frika aq sa tek popullariteti p\u00ebrmes manipulimit emocional, psikologjik dhe intelektual t\u00eb turm\u00ebs. Mjafton t\u00eb reflektosh pak p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar se \u00e7far\u00eb rrezikshm\u00ebrie ka zgjerimi i pasoj\u00ebs s\u00eb k\u00ebsaj metode, kur kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb paformuara intelektualisht, f\u00ebmij\u00ebnore n\u00eb dije, bindje, reagim, rezistenc\u00eb dhe vet\u00ebdije politike. Raporti me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn k\u00ebrkon ta pohojm\u00eb se shembull i kufirit ku arrin kjo rrezikshm\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb fatkeq\u00ebsisht edhe vendi yn\u00eb, infantilja politike, e lasht\u00eb sa vet\u00eb toka, Shqip\u00ebri.<\/p>\n

Shqip\u00ebria, sipas V-Dem klasifikohet nd\u00ebr shtetet e Evrop\u00ebs juglindore q\u00eb kontribuojn\u00eb n\u00eb panoram\u00ebn fataliste autokracive t\u00eb mbyllura ose elektorale n\u00eb bot\u00eb. Vendi yn\u00eb u klasifikua p\u00ebr vitin 2022 si autokraci elektorale (ose zgjedhore), \u00e7ka konkretizon dhe mish\u00ebron t\u00eb gjitha defi\u00e7itet socio-politike dhe anti-demokratike q\u00eb kan\u00eb prevaluar gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb viteve t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb vendin ton\u00eb. Nj\u00ebjt\u00eb, Berlin Social Science Center e klasifikon at\u00eb n\u00eb autokraci t\u00eb pap\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb konflikte gjeopolitike t\u00eb armatosura. World Population Review radhit 83 autokraci t\u00eb mbyllura ose elektorale n\u00eb vitin 2022. Shqip\u00ebria? Krenarisht n\u00eb radh\u00eb me Burkina Fason, Bjellorusin\u00eb, Pakistanin, Rusin\u00eb e t\u00eb tjera. P\u00ebr t\u2019u evidentuar \u00ebsht\u00eb fakti se nd\u00ebr autokracit\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb, Shqip\u00ebria dhe Serbia jan\u00eb t\u00eb vetmet vende t\u00eb Ballkanit t\u00eb renditura midis autokracive elektorale apo t\u00eb mbyllura. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb Mali i Zi, Bosnia & Herzegovina, dhe Maqedonia e Veriut konsiderohen s\u00eb paku demokraci elektorale t\u00eb dob\u00ebta. Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI) n\u00eb statistikat e fundit t\u00eb publikuara, e klasifikon Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb si demokraci defektoze (defective democracy), duke n\u00ebnvij\u00ebzuar se vendi vuan s\u00eb pari nga nj\u00eb dualiz\u00ebm i theksuar midis deklarimit p\u00ebr reforma t\u00eb shumta dhe moszbatimit real dhe korrekt t\u00eb tyre, e s\u00eb dyti nga nj\u00eb trasformim ekonomik i limituar. Freedom House n\u00eb raportin e p\u00ebrvitsh\u00ebm mbi t\u00eb drejtat politike dhe lirit\u00eb civile e vler\u00ebson Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb si nj\u00eb prej 54 shteteve jo plot\u00ebsisht t\u00eb lira, nd\u00ebrsa shqiptar\u00ebt brenda territorit si pjes\u00eb e 22% t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb bot\u00ebrore q\u00eb jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb vende jo plot\u00ebsisht t\u00eb lira. S\u00eb fundmi, indeksi i korrupsionit i Transparency International, i vendos firm\u00ebn nj\u00eb virtyti klasik t\u00eb autokracis\u00eb, i.e., n\u00eb nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb nga 0 (shum\u00eb i korruptuar) n\u00eb 100 (aspak i korruptuar), i atribuon Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb vet\u00ebm 37 pik\u00eb, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb mesatarja globale p\u00ebr vitin 2023 ishte 43 pik\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb as rast\u00ebsi, as albanofobi, fakti q\u00eb \u00e7do indeks nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar e klasifikon Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb si autokraci elektorale. Si rrjedhoj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamundur, – dhe jo munges\u00eb dashamir\u00ebsie a optimizmi – t\u00eb solidarizohemi me mazhoranc\u00ebn parlamentare t\u00eb socialist\u00ebve, kur d\u00ebshtimin p\u00ebr qoft\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb hap minimal progresiv pas vitit 2013, n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb BE, e motivojn\u00eb me albanofobi kinse mbizot\u00ebruese n\u00eb vendet e Unionit, problematik\u00eb brenda BE-s\u00eb mbi politikat e zgjerimit apo \u00e7far\u00ebdolloj justifikimi tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb tjerrur n\u00eb diplomacin\u00eb alla-ballkanase shqiptare. Nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb d\u00ebshtim p\u00ebr zhbllokim t\u00eb procesit t\u00eb integrimit, dhe nj\u00eb qeveri q\u00eb d\u00ebshtoi n\u00eb terma absolut\u00eb dhe grotesk\u00eb t\u00eb regjistroj\u00eb qoft\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb arritje q\u00eb e \u00e7on hapin e fundit t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb drejt BE-s\u00eb, – l\u00ebvizjen e lir\u00eb t\u00eb arrir\u00eb nga qeveria Berisha n\u00eb dhjetor t\u00eb vitit 2010 – qoft\u00eb edhe fare pak m\u00eb larg, nuk ka se si t\u00eb jet\u00eb denj\u00ebsisht e rreshtuar mes vendeve t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Nj\u00eb autokraci elektorale nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e mir\u00ebpritur n\u00eb nj\u00eb Union inter-dhe sovra-komb\u00ebtar mes shteteve q\u00eb sipas \u00e7do indeksi dhe studimi konsiderohen si demokraci t\u00eb konsoliduara. Shkurt, \u00ebsht\u00eb donkishoteske t\u00eb mendosh se vendi i dyt\u00eb pas Siris\u00eb, me numrin m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb azilk\u00ebrkuesve n\u00eb shtetet e BE-s\u00eb t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn n\u00eb kat\u00ebr vitet e fundit, guxon t\u00eb mendoj\u00eb se meriton t\u00eb vler\u00ebsohet pozitivisht n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn drejt an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Referenca<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Boese V. and Hellmeier S. (2021). Autocratization and its consequences. Berlin Social Science Center.
\nBTI Transformation Index 2022 Country Report: Albania.
\nDemocracy Report 2023. Defiance in the Face of Autocratization. V-Dem Institute.
\nFreedom in the world 2023. Marking 50 years in the struggle for Democracy. Freedom House.
\nGuriev, S., & Treisman, D. (2020). A theory of informational autocracy. Journal of public economics, 186, 104158.
\nWhen democracies autocratize. United Nations Development Programme.
\nWorld Population Review. Country rankings 2022, Autocratic countries.<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga Pranvera Shehaj Anetare e Departamentit BrainGain P\u00ebr p\u00ebrkufizim, \u2018autokracia\u2019 si koncept, i referohet nj\u00eb qeverie n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn pushteti \u00ebsht\u00eb i p\u00ebrq\u00ebndruar n\u00eb nj\u00eb person t\u00eb vet\u00ebm. Ky i fundit, njihet si autokrat, nj\u00eb term q\u00eb rrjedh nga greqishtja e lasht\u00eb, i.e., \u2018auto\u2019 – q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb \u2018vet\u00eb\u2019, dhe \u2018kratos\u2019 – q\u00eb do […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":2431,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[26],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2430","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-politike"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2430","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2430"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2430\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2433,"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2430\/revisions\/2433"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/2431"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2430"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2430"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2430"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}