{"id":2437,"date":"2024-03-04T19:19:24","date_gmt":"2024-03-04T19:19:24","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/?p=2437"},"modified":"2024-12-24T12:41:52","modified_gmt":"2024-12-24T12:41:52","slug":"e-djathta-perballe-autokracise-elektorale-take-democracy-back","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/en\/e-djathta-perballe-autokracise-elektorale-take-democracy-back\/","title":{"rendered":"E djathta p\u00ebrball\u00eb autokracis\u00eb elektorale: Take Democracy BACK"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nga Pranvera Shehaj An\u00ebtare e Departamentit BrainGain<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb vazhd\u00ebn e ciklit t\u00eb dekriptimit, p\u00ebrkufizimit, dokumentimit dhe reflektimit me propozime konkrete mbi situat\u00ebn politike n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, e definuar n\u00eb statistika, ashtu sikurse e d\u00ebshmuar dhe jetuar n\u00eb realitet prej nj\u00eb dekade si autokraci elektorale, v\u00ebmendje i duhet kushtuar propozimit dhe nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb strategjis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrballjes s\u00eb autokracis\u00eb elektorale, t\u00eb nisur nga partia socialiste, aktualisht drejtuese e vendit prej nj\u00eb dekade, jo rast\u00ebsisht n\u00eb fakt, pasi p\u00ebr trash\u00ebgimni ideologjike t\u00eb saj ka totalitarizmin, armikun nga p\u00ebrtej humanizmit dhe principeve njer\u00ebzore e shoq\u00ebrore. Demaskimi, shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrja, dhe nd\u00ebshkimi ligjor i autokracis\u00eb elektorale, ashtu sikurse i \u00e7do portreti publik e jo publik q\u00eb ka kontribuar n\u00eb konsolidimin e saj prej nj\u00eb dekade, \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi, detyr\u00eb e p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb raportit me veten e me kombin, amanet i Partis\u00eb Demokratike dhe s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs shqiptare n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

N\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb eshtrave t\u00eb atyre q\u00eb nuk kursyen jet\u00ebn si revolt\u00eb ndaj mohimit t\u00eb dinjitetit njer\u00ebzor n\u00eb thuajse pes\u00eb dekada, n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb \u00ebndrrave t\u00eb mbetura \u00e7al\u00eb t\u00eb atyre q\u00eb besuan se rr\u00ebzimi i bustit t\u00eb diktatorit ishte kushti i par\u00eb ndaj nj\u00eb Shqip\u00ebrie n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb andaj si Evropa, e sot, n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb brezit ton\u00eb, t\u00eb lindur n\u00eb vendin q\u00eb prind\u00ebrit e tyre projektuan si demokratik e t\u00eb zhvilluar ashtu si kishin shpresuar e vet\u00ebm fal\u00eb shpres\u00ebs kishin frymuar n\u00eb burgun e Evrop\u00ebs deri n\u00eb vitet 90\u2019. N\u00eb emrin ton\u00eb n\u00eb fakt, brezit t\u00eb ri q\u00eb sot faj\u00ebsojm\u00eb prind\u00ebrit tan\u00eb sepse n\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb d\u00ebshtuan, ashtu sikurse ata m\u00eb realist\u00ebt e autokritik\u00ebt prej nesh faj\u00ebsojn\u00eb veten p\u00ebr braktisjen e vendit dhe k\u00ebrkimin e rrug\u00ebs gjetk\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb e bot\u00eb. N\u00ebse duket e dhimbshme t\u00eb thuash se prind\u00ebrit tan\u00eb d\u00ebshtuan, \u00ebsht\u00eb fakt se ne Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb fizikisht e lam\u00eb, sot e mjer\u00eb ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb padenj\u00ebsisht e kthyer n\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb totalitarizmi t\u00eb tipit autokraci elektorale. Ka m\u00eb shpres\u00eb? Pa dyshim q\u00eb ka, p\u00ebrsa koh\u00eb ka dhembshuri, vizion, atdhedashuri, familje, ndjenj\u00eb trash\u00ebgimnie, arsimim e vler\u00eb midis nesh, kudo qofshim, ka shpres\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb djatht\u00ebt dhe Partin\u00eb demokratike p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb mbrapsht at\u00eb q\u00eb firmosi, nisi e konsolidoi mes shum\u00eb sfidave: Demokracin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

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Si rifitohet demokracia n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem politik q\u00eb \u00e7armatos, asgj\u00ebson dhe shtyp deri n\u00eb fataliz\u00ebm \u00e7do shtyll\u00eb t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb, prej t\u00eb drejtave themelore t\u00eb njeriut, liris\u00eb s\u00eb shprehjes, pluralizmit real politik, parlamentarizmit, konkurrenc\u00ebs s\u00eb lir\u00eb t\u00eb tregut, meritokracis\u00eb, pron\u00ebs private, decentralizimit t\u00eb pushteteve, liris\u00eb s\u00eb medias, zgjedhjeve demokratike e legjitime, mbizot\u00ebrimit t\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebs, etj? Si mund t\u00eb luftohet e t\u00eb asgj\u00ebsohet nj\u00ebher\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb nj\u00eb autokraci pa tradh\u00ebtuar dhe pa u vet\u00ebvrar\u00eb ne demokrat\u00ebt n\u00eb bindjet dhe vizionin ton\u00eb demokratik, pa l\u00ebnduar at\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb t\u00eb rikthejm\u00eb, demokracin\u00eb? S\u00eb pari, ne nuk duhet dhe nuk mundemi t\u00eb armatosim veten me at\u00eb q\u00eb nuk na p\u00ebrket dhe nuk na identifikon duke r\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb grack\u00ebn e regjimeve totalitare, dikur fashiste e sot autokrate, t\u00eb cilat t\u00eb imponojn\u00eb p\u00ebrballjen me to p\u00ebrmes gjuh\u00ebs, metod\u00ebs, strategjis\u00eb dhe filozofis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre antidemokratike. Ata q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb demokracin\u00eb nuk i zot\u00ebrojn\u00eb dot mjetet antidemokratike, andaj dor\u00ebzuar atyre, ata jan\u00eb t\u00eb destinuar t\u00eb d\u00ebshtojn\u00eb. Nj\u00ebjt\u00eb ne demokrat\u00ebt. Nuk jemi masters t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs se p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb s\u00eb ardhmes dinjitoze t\u00eb k\u00ebtij vendi kurr\u00eb nuk mor\u00ebm pushtetin me dhun\u00eb, edhe pse n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb vendit, pranuam faje q\u00eb nuk i kishim dhe dor\u00ebzuam pushtetin prej dhun\u00ebs. Nuk jemi masters t\u00eb mohimit t\u00eb ligjit sepse ne besojm\u00eb n\u00eb funksionimin e tij si mekaniz\u00ebm demokratik rregullator i rendit publik. Ne nuk djegim parlamente sepse respektojm\u00eb tempullin simbolik t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit t\u00eb vullnetit qytetar edhe kur ai \u00ebsht\u00eb i p\u00ebrdhosur dhe i degraduar deri n\u00eb mohim. Ne nuk shkat\u00ebrrojm\u00eb pron\u00ebn private a publike, sepse respekti p\u00ebr pron\u00ebn private \u00ebsht\u00eb themel i identikitit ton\u00eb ideologjik. Ne nuk vandalizojm\u00eb shtaz\u00ebrisht institucione q\u00eb aty jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm prej betej\u00ebs son\u00eb demokratike t\u00eb nisur m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 30 vite m\u00eb par\u00eb. E v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, tashm\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb degraduara – po, t\u00eb kapura – po, t\u00eb sekuestruara – po, aspak funksionale – po, mekanizma t\u00eb autokracis\u00eb s\u00eb majt\u00eb – po, por s\u00ebrish jan\u00eb aty qoft\u00eb edhe simbolikisht, si d\u00ebshmi e asaj q\u00eb demokrat\u00ebt krijuan pas tmerrit diktatorial. Ne nuk e luftojm\u00eb totalitarizmin e majt\u00eb me mjete t\u00eb imponuara nga totalitarizmi, p\u00ebr t\u00eb vetmen arsye se kjo na dallon. Kjo na dalloi n\u00eb t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn, na identifion n\u00eb t\u00eb tashmen, na prezanton si alternativ\u00eb nj\u00eb dhe t\u00eb vetme p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen.<\/p>\n

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At\u00ebher\u00eb si ne demokrat\u00ebt rikthejm\u00eb demokracin\u00eb q\u00eb prej nj\u00eb dekade kemi humbur? S\u00eb pari, cilido prej nesh, i cili n\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebrimin dhe d\u00ebshir\u00ebn e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt ton\u00ebn p\u00ebr ta par\u00eb autokracin\u00eb majtiste t\u00eb shkelmuar propozon akte t\u00eb tipit revolucionar demonstrativ violent, kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur politikisht, apo n\u00eb aspektin social e njer\u00ebzor. Autokracia shqiptare e partis\u00eb socialiste t\u00eb Rilindjes ka dhe do t\u00eb mbahet mend p\u00ebr fizionomin\u00eb e nj\u00eb shteti t\u00eb fort\u00eb deri brutal policor, i cili nuk kursehet t\u00eb sakrifikoj\u00eb n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtjes s\u00eb pushtetit shqiptar pa dallim moshe, gjinie, krahine, feje. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se protestat e dhunshme kan\u00eb rrezikun q\u00eb p\u00ebrball\u00eb k\u00ebtij brutaliteti policor t\u00eb autokracis\u00eb s\u00eb Rilindjes t\u00eb eskalojn\u00eb n\u00eb dhun\u00eb masive mbar\u00ebkomb\u00ebtare, deri edhe luft\u00eb civile. Demokrat\u00ebt nuk ishin kurr\u00eb motiv i v\u00ebllavrasjes, ashtu sikurse e v\u00ebrteta q\u00eb kurr\u00eb nuk mund t\u2019i fshihet drit\u00ebs ka d\u00ebshmuar e do d\u00ebshmoj\u00eb.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb pari, parimisht,nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb mjetet ligjore do t\u00eb ishin fillimisht mekanizmi primar n\u00eb duar t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos lejuar shumic\u00ebn parlamentare autokratike t\u00eb kap\u00eb institucionet dhe t\u00eb minoj\u00eb ndarjen e pushteteve. Si? P\u00ebrmes hartimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi zgjedhor q\u00eb shmang shnd\u00ebrrimin e shumic\u00ebs normale t\u00eb votave n\u00eb super-shumic\u00eb mandatesh. S\u00eb dyti, s\u00ebrish parimisht, mekanizmi i dyt\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte forcimi i ligjit kushtetues dhe i rolit t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb rregullave zgjedhore ndaj amendamenteve t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs autokrate. Fakti \u00ebsht\u00eb se autokracia elektorale socialiste \u00ebsht\u00eb aq e konsoliduar sa sot p\u00ebr sot p\u00ebrmes super-shumic\u00ebs parlamentare shp\u00ebrfill \u00e7do dispozit\u00eb kushtetuese. Andaj, asnj\u00eb prej dy mekanizmave ligjor\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb. Si rrjedhoj\u00eb, s\u00eb pari n\u00eb kushtet e zgjedhjeve fondamentalisht jo t\u00eb lira, jo t\u00eb drejta, jo demokratike, ne mund dhe duhet t\u00eb bindim \u00e7do shqiptar se shumica jon\u00eb, si brenda dhe jasht\u00eb kufirit n\u00eb fakt mb\u00ebshtet ndryshimin dhe se fuqia e Rilindjes dhe vet\u00eb Ram\u00ebs mb\u00ebshtetet n\u00eb paligjshm\u00ebri, represion dhe shkelje flagrante t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave njer\u00ebzore, elektorale, civile dhe politike.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb dyti, kontestimi b\u00ebrtit\u00ebs i zgjedhjeve dhe formimi i organizatave brenda demokrat\u00ebve me qytetar\u00eb brenda, por m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti tashm\u00eb me ata jasht\u00eb kufirit n\u00ebn nj\u00eb lidership t\u00eb besuesh\u00ebm, t\u00eb cilat t\u00eb organizojn\u00eb p\u00ebrfshirjen e shtresave t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, do t\u00eb \u00e7onte n\u00eb krijimin e rrjetit t\u00eb solidaritetit dhe mb\u00ebshtetjes t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjellt\u00eb p\u00ebrball\u00eb regjimit autokrat elektoral Rama.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb treti, nd\u00ebrtimi i nj\u00eb sistemi novator paralel i tabelimit t\u00eb votave, i cili do t\u00eb ekspozonte m\u00eb shum\u00eb shtrirjen e manipulimit zgjedhor, do t\u00eb krijonte m\u00eb tep\u00ebr solidaritet e do t\u00eb bindte edhe ata apatik\u00ebt se ndryshimi \u00ebsht\u00eb i mundur.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb kat\u00ebrti, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb ashtu si klasikisht ndodh, regjimet autokrate t\u00eb tipit Lukashenko, t\u00eb p\u00ebrqafuara nga Shqip\u00ebria rilindase e k\u00ebsaj dekade p\u00ebrdorin propagand\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb bindur elektoratin se nuk ka alternativ\u00eb duke demoralizuar \u00e7do z\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtues, e duke e ditur se diktatura \u00ebsht\u00eb realitet kur ngulitet ideja: – \u201cNuk jemi mir\u00eb, por s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb askush q\u00eb mund ta b\u00ebj\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb\u201d,- n\u00eb raste si Bjellorusia, shfaqja e kandidat\u00ebve opozitar\u00eb sfidues t\u00eb identifikuar tipikisht me eksperienc\u00eb profesionale t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb fusha si financa dhe ekonomia, ligji apo administrata publike, ia ka dal\u00eb t\u00eb rindez\u00eb sidoqoft\u00eb nj\u00eb drit\u00eb jeshile brenda autokracis\u00eb absolute elektorale bjelloruse. E nj\u00ebjta ka gjasa t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb tek ne.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb pesti, q\u00ebndresa civile (civil resistance) n\u00eb mas\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb sot n\u00eb mbar\u00eb globin mekanizmi i ndryshimit t\u00eb sistemit politik apo ndryshimit t\u00eb reformave t\u00eb \u00e7far\u00ebdo lloji t\u00eb motivuara m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti nga rr\u00ebshkitja e 89 shteteve t\u00eb globit n\u00eb regjime autokrate. Suksesi i q\u00ebndres\u00ebs civile e jo t\u00eb dhunshme leht\u00ebsohet nga shp\u00ebrndarja e informacionit, bindja se \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsor respektimi i t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut dhe ka si kusht t\u00eb saj pjes\u00ebmarrje masive. \u00cbsht\u00eb e rrall\u00eb se si vet\u00ebm dy vite m\u00eb par\u00eb, e djathta me n\u00eb krye Partin\u00eb demokratike, me nj\u00eb popullsi t\u00eb tkurrur n\u00eb vet\u00ebm rreth 1.5 milion banor\u00eb (m\u00eb pak se votues zyrtar\u00eb n\u00eb fakt), ia doli t\u00eb organizonte protest\u00ebn m\u00eb masive t\u00eb 30 viteve t\u00eb fundit pas atyre t\u00eb nd\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb sistemit. Dy vite jan\u00eb pak p\u00ebr t\u00eb besuar se ata demokrat\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb organizuar nj\u00eb rezistenc\u00eb civile masive. Studime t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillta, t\u00eb bazuara n\u00eb qindra raste t\u00eb rezistencave civile jo violente n\u00eb mas\u00eb prej viteve 1900 deri n\u00eb vitet 2020, d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb se kur k\u00ebto q\u00ebndresa civile kombinohen me aksione t\u00eb tipit demonstrativ e q\u00eb ironizojn\u00eb \u00e7do aksiom\u00eb t\u00eb propagand\u00ebs autokrate, q\u00eb do t\u00eb pengonin arrestimin qoft\u00eb edhe t\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb qytetari kan\u00eb rezultuar t\u00eb suksesshme n\u00eb mbi 64% t\u00eb rasteve.<\/p>\n

E djathta shqiptare me n\u00eb krye demokrat\u00ebt, ashtu si deri m\u00eb sot, duhet dhe do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndroj\u00eb denj\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrball\u00eb historis\u00eb, e pap\u00ebrlyer n\u00eb krime njer\u00ebzore, pa m\u00ebkatet e vrasjes s\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave njer\u00ebzore, dhe idhtare e besimit se demokracia dhe liria \u00ebsht\u00eb fillimi dhe do t\u00eb jet\u00eb p\u00ebrmbyllja e triumfit t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n

Referenca<\/strong><\/p>\n

Batura, A. (2022). How to Compete in Unfair Elections. Journal of Democracy, 33(4), 47-61.
\nChenoweth, E. (2020). The future of nonviolent resistance. J. Democracy, 31, 69.
\nGamboa, L. (2023). How Oppositions Fight Back. Journal of Democracy, 34(3), 90-104.
\nGreenberg, U. (2015). Militant Democracy and Human Rights. New German Critique, 42(3), 169-195.
\nGrimm. D. (2018). How can a democratic constitution survive an autocratic majority? Verfassungsblog on Matters Constitutional.
\nLoewenstein, K. (1937). Militant democracy and fundamental rights, I. American Political Science Review, 31(3), 417-432.
\nLoewenstein, K. (1937). Militant democracy and fundamental rights, II. American Political Science Review, 31(4), 638-658.
\nMcClennen, S., Popovic, S., & Wright, J. (2023). How to Sharpen a Nonviolent Movement. Journal of Democracy, 34(1), 110-125.
\nR\u00f8d, E. G., & Weidmann, N. B. (2023). From bad to worse? How protest can foster armed conflict in autocracies. Political Geography, 103, 102891.<\/strong><\/p><\/blockquote>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga Pranvera Shehaj An\u00ebtare e Departamentit BrainGain N\u00eb vazhd\u00ebn e ciklit t\u00eb dekriptimit, p\u00ebrkufizimit, dokumentimit dhe reflektimit me propozime konkrete mbi situat\u00ebn politike n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, e definuar n\u00eb statistika, ashtu sikurse e d\u00ebshmuar dhe jetuar n\u00eb realitet prej nj\u00eb dekade si autokraci elektorale, v\u00ebmendje i duhet kushtuar propozimit dhe nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb strategjis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrballjes s\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":2438,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[26],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2437","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-politike"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2437","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2437"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2437\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/2438"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2437"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2437"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/braingain.pd.al\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2437"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}